Battle of Cranesnest
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The 13th Kentucky Cavalry Regiment in the Battle of Cranesnest
by Jeffrey Hatmaker of Camp #1715
On November the Ninth, 1864, the forces of the Thirteenth Kentucky Cavalry
under Major Thomas J. Chenoweth saw combat between two scurrilous men and
their troops. Lieutenant Colonel Clarence J. Prentice, C.S.A. was a ne'er
do well profiteer whose unit participated in General John Hunt Morgan's
star-crossed "Last Raid" into Kentucky. The Thirteenth Kentucky
Cavalry served with them in this raid, and I am sure that they knew what
to expect from Prentice and his Seventh Battalion Confederate Cavalry, (of
Virginia), by his track record in that action. Lt. Colonel Prentice and
his men "distinguished" themselves on that raid by doing what
they were most experienced at, i.e., drinking hard and stealing as much
as they could get away with. The scoundrels that attached themselves to
his unit were a constant source of embarrassment and consternation to his
peers as well as his superiors. Colonel Henry Giltner, successor of Benjamin
Everidge Caudill as Commanding Officer of the Thirteenth Kentucky Cavalry
bitterly complained to his superiors not only of Prentice's depredations
against the population of Kentucky during Morgan's Last Raid, but of Morgan's
blind eye towards his unit as well. Union families in the Wise County, Virginia,
area were finally forced to evacuate their homes by the end of the war to
avoid murder and/or starvation. His Union counterpart, Captain Alf Killen
was a man of much worse character by all accounts. He was commander of either
Company F or Company K of the Thirty-Ninth Kentucky Infantry, (the records
are unclear), which was a unit of "Home Guards." He was reported
to be both "bitter and unstable," and, "had no love of country
or loyalty to either the North or the South." His brave band of soldiers
were made up of men whom he had forced to served with him under pain of
death. Killen and a few of his loyal enforcers would scour the countryside,
"and [pick] up recruits anywhere they could find any." His standing
orders to these hapless men were, "You got to come and go with us."
Details are sketchy as to why such disparate units as the Seventh Battalion
Confederate Cavalry and the Thirteenth Kentucky Cavalry should be bivouacked
together on the Cranesnest River in Virginia. Apparently the Adjutants for
all units involved, both Federal and Confederate were averse to much, if
indeed any, real report writing. Fortunately, enough accounts from survivors
are extant that a reasonably lucid account can be made, (in spite of the
frustrating "broken fingers" of the Adjutants involved). When
using the accounts of witnesses for source material, only those events in
which the accounts are all in total agreement are presented as fact. Character
assessments that are made on both commanders are well documented by their
oft beleaguered and angst ridden fellows.
The strengths of the units involved were, Confederates under Prentice,
(including the 13th Kentucky), about 200 with about 125 armed effectives,
and the Federals under Killen had about 50 effectives. Please remember that
these were, by and large, Home Guard/Partisan Ranger type units, hence the
relatively small numbers involved. This "battle" is not a skirmish
by virtue of the fact that both units sought each other out with the clear
objective of holding that portion of Virginia for their respective causes.
The Home Guards of Captain Killen were trying to oust the Partisan Rangers
that he felt were wrongly in control of territory that rightfully should
have been his. These two commanders had been at odds over possession of
this part of Western Virginia and Eastern Kentucky since virtually the beginning
of the War. Killen was still stinging from past failures to whip his nemesis.
The Partisan Rangers and the Thirteenth Kentucky Cavalry got wind of the
plans and movements of the enemy and laid a very deadly trap. This was not
a chance meeting between two opposing forces with no clearly defined military
objective. That is the definition of a skirmish. These were two units who
sought each other out, chose their ground, and fought for a specific goal.
The only possible argument against the Cranesnest affairs being a battle
would be the size of the units involved. The opposing units were not two
armies, but in the words of historian Damian Beach, "Whether battle
or skirmish; [it] was men rushing at each other with murderous intent."
On the eighth of November, 1864, after a hard ride, Killen's men reached
the Long Fork of the Cranesnest River and were mustering by an old churchyard.
This property was owned by George Buchanan. (It was likely George Buchanan,
himself a Union sympathizer, who told Killen the whereabouts of Prentice
and his men, who had themselves but recently arrived at the scene). Such
was the skill and stealth of Prentice's scouts in their home territory that
he was immediately made aware of Killen's presence. He acted accordingly
and ferreted out Killen's plans. The stories of how Prentice acquired this
intelligence conflict. He either sent a spy into the area where Killen had
met, who managed to convince the property owner that he was a straggler
and was told Killen's plans, or he captured a prisoner who was forthcoming
with the aforementioned plans. Either way, Prentice had Killen dead to rights.
That night, Killen's men camped in a hollow not far from the Confederate
camp, with the plan of attacking down through the valley at dawn. Had not
the element of surprise been lost, the men of Killen's command would have
had the advantage of the best ground for the fight. Prentice kept his campfires
going with a few of his men around them to maintain the illusion of the
camp being caught unawares. The bulk of his effectiveness hid in the trees
on both sides of the mouth of the "holler" as it emptied into
the level river plain where the bogus camp was.
When Killen made his move, Prentice's troops let them pass by without
firing until Killen's entire force was between Prentice's men. When Killen's
men opened fire, they were fired upon from all directions. They were surrounded.
Isaac "Black Ike" Mullins of the Thirty Ninth Kentucky Cavalry
under Killen later recalled, "Alf Killen got up a hundred or so Home
Guards around Holly Creek mostly. On a Sunday they started to surprise the
Rebels on Cranesnest. They went by old George Buchanan's home near Darwin.
I was along and we ate dinner there. We ground corn on his hand mill and
killed a little beef. We left there and went on and laid out that night
in a little hollow, about a mile or a mile and a half from where the fight
took place. The Rebels came to Buchanan's after we left and got their dinner
there too. Colonel [sic] Chenoweth was in command of the Rebels. It was
late in the fall, on Monday. It began at daylight. We had got up early and
started for the rebel camp expecting to find them asleep and fired down
into the camp. Some of them were standing near the campfire and our first
fire killed one of them but I never learned his name. The Rebels knew we
were coming and had their men hid above and behind us. So, when we fired,
they began to fire into us. They were so many and the fire was so hot that
we had to run. You can bet we got away fast. We lost several men in the
fight."
The escape that "Black Ike" mentioned was none other than the
Cranesnest River itself. It was the only place not crawling with Rebels.
After the battle when the Rebel troops set out to pursue the fleeing Yankees
to a nearby gap in the mountains, they found that the Yanks had only a few
moments earlier passed that way. When subsequent scouting revealed little
information of any profit to Prentice's scouts, they headed back to camp
to see the wounded.
The result of this battle was the engraved invitation to leave the area
that local Union sympathizers had dreaded. Many of them sought out greener,
not to mention safer, pastures. In an amusing side note, the man upon whose
land the battle was fought had a memorable adventure. When the Rebels surrounded
his cabin for the battle, Oliver Powers, a staunch supporter of the Union,
decided to get his rifle and a butcher knife and creep out of his cabin
to help the obviously needy Union Home Guards. During the confusion of battle,
he felt something hit his foot. He looked down and saw his butcher knife
in pieces, which was only natural since it had stopped a Confederate minnie
ball! He would always claim that his butcher knife had saved his life.
While this battle did not involve large numbers of troops on a sustained
campaign, it was indicative of the kind of 'campaign' fought in the mountains
between Home Guards and Partisan Rangers. Everyone's lives were affected,
both civilian and military. If the army of your political persuasion was
in town, you fared well and your enemies suffered. This situation could
change, however, without warning. You might have been like the Union folks
on Cranesnest and seldom if ever have your boys around for protection. These
units were, for the most part, not even regular army, but loose bands of
"regulators" with the express purpose of causing the enemy maximum
consternation while draining off enemy resources that could be more effectively
used elsewhere. John Hunt Morgan was just one example of this tactic taken
to it's extreme. This battle was representative of most the fighting that
went on in the Appalachian Mountains. Bitterly divided people were given
license to defend to the utmost extremity their beliefs, homes, and neighbors
without let or hindrance. Everyone suffered.
Some Notes for Discussion & Other Oral Histories.
Capt. Killen is not listed in the our 39th records.
Jack Austin mentioned below was in the 13th.
"We were like the fish that jumped out of the frying pan into the fire
as far as getting away from the effects of war. We moved into the midst
of thieving bands who went about the country pillaging ours and our neighbors'
means. From the time 1861 to the close of the war, it was a dangerous, restless
period for us in the mountains.
"Those who lead the bands were reckless, lawbreaking men who had no
love of country or loyalty to North or South. Alf Killen, the head of a
band which operated nearest us was the cause of many cowardly and and inhuman
acts. They stole everything they could. They murdered and robbed. Alf Killen
himself killed Ben Wright ruthlessly and without mercy. But thanks to a
kind Provindence he met a similar fate in the end.
"Jack Austin, my oldest brother, was taking a load of wool to a carding
machine at Wise. In Wise, he came upon a group of Rebel soldiers under the
command of Ben Caudel. They invited him to come back and spend the night
with them, which he did. During the night, he awoke with a definite conviction
that the enemy was advancing upon their group. He arose and went through
the camp, waking the soldiers. However, he didn't convince them and to save
himself, he went out on a hill to watch
as daylight came. In the early morning, he spied a party of soldiers riding
along the foot of the hill. They were dressed in Rebel clothing and thinking
they were his friends went down the hill to them. He had been right in his
conviction that the enemy was coming. These men were so dressed in order
to deceive the Rebels. Jack was taken prisoner along with all the others
to whom he had given the warning. All of them were taken to the prison camp
at Fort Douglas, Illinois, where several contracted yellow fever. A few
lived to return and tell the tale but Jack as well as many others died of
the fever. Sometime during Jack's
imprisonment he wrote the history of his life. This, a testament and a Hymn
Book, he gave to a friend and asked them to be sent to his mother. These
possessions were handed down to his youngest sister."
David Washington Austin
Southwest, Virginia
"I saw old Booker Mullins buried on Bold Camp. It was during the Civil
War. He was said to be 102 years and six months old when he died. Wiley
Mullins and Jack Taylor were killed in the south of the mountain, near Wilburn
Phipps', in 1863, the 16th day of September. I remember the date very well.
My brother-in-law, Marshall Keel, was killed the same day on Big Ridge.
Mullins and Taylor were supposed to be home-guards. I never did know who
killed them for sure. Alf Killen was at the head of the other crowd--yankees.
They were "Bushwhackers". It was always said that Washington Phipps
was one of the men who did the killing. Alf Killen and his squad just went
around and picked up recruits anywhere they could find any. He would say
"You got to come and go with us."
"The rebels at one time were camped on Cranesnest---near where Allen
Powers now lives. They were under Col.
Menefee. He took his men one night and left camp, leaving only a few men
to keep the camp-fires burning. Early
next morning, a boy, I don't know his name--was sitting by the fire. Alf
Killen and his men had slipped up on the
hill above the rebel camp, and they fired on the boy, killing him. Some
women, who were nearby, pulled him out of
the fire. Devil John Wright and his father were there with the rebels. There
were not many rebels, and about 30-40
yankees. Eight Yankees were killed; Bob Killen, Charley Hibbitts, a Yates,
a Farmer, and I don't remember the
names of the others, it was after Marshall Keel was killed, and I think
the same year. Some of the others with Killen
were Levi Vanover (wounded in the arm), Jake Yates, Peter Reedy, Harmon
Mullins (of Isaac), and John Mullins (of
Dave)."
George W. Fleming
July 17, 1937
Clintwood, Virginia
Abingdon, VA
June 11, 1923
"After Coin Menifee made that country his head quarters for awhile
there was not much hostil oposition to the southern cause for some months,
and the war spirit was not so high as it was soon after that. Just before
Menifee made his first raid to KY Isaac Fleming the second son of old uncle
Jack and Aunt Marry Fleming volenteered in some company. I don't remember
what Company it was, but he was with the command on that raid. A few days
after their return to this side of the mountain he went over in to KY to
visit some of his relatives on Shelby. Was decoyed to a house by some women
and shot from a corn field and instantly killed. He was the first of out
neighbors that lost his life in that stife. Just one thing after another
seemed to fan the flame of the war spirit, and the country was badly divided,
and suffered greatly.
E. A. Dunbar
Abingdon, VA
June 11, 1923
......Your Pa was still at home from the effect of his wound when French
had the command of the state line service. When he went back to camp I think
Col. Printis was in command and was the commander of the 7th battalion till
the close of the war. That battalion was in camp first one place then another;
while a kind of guerilla warfare was going on most of the time. I don't
think they ever had a regular camp any nearer Holly Creek than the mouth
of Indian, there were scouting parties all over the country, there was but
little neutral ground on which to stand. Some men had gone into the brush
for protection. About that time there was what was called a union home guard
formed. I don't think they had any connection with the federal army, but
their main object seemed to be to keep rebels out of that country or kill
them outright, so times commenced getting worse and worse.
......Some time later that same fall Major Chiniworth with his men went
into camp at the Jack Mullins place on the Cranesnest. I don't know what
kind of a march they were on or where they had come from, but as soon as
it was known that a rebel force was camped there the union home guard got
their forces together to give them a battle. They, the home guards, met
on Longs Fork about the old Protestant church late in the evening before
they fired on the camp next morning at daylight. They stayed there til just
before day. Eddie French was down the creek that evening and they held him
as a prisoner until they started on their march next morning. I don't know
the straight of either side in that, the only real battle that was fought
in that section during the war. The union force had all the advantage of
the ground they fired into the camp as the rebel force was getting up without
even a picket fire. The first volley they fired, one rebel soldier was killed.
As soon as the rebel soldiers got their arm, with their military training,
they charged up the ridge under the fire of the union force firing as they
went and killed a number of them before they reached the top of the ridge.
Bob Killin, Charles Hibbtts, and little Revel Bartley are all the names
that I remember now of the men that was killed in that fight. That was the
last real resistance made by them. The most of the men that escaped went
over to Kentucky or some of them joined the federal army."
E.A. Dunbar
The 7th Battalion Confederate Cavalry
Background
In 1860 the United States, North and South, was more interested in the
elections than usual. The sectional division which characterized much of
the American political experience in the first half of the 19th century
was becoming a crisis. The Republicans won the election because the Demo-
crats divided into Northern and Southern factions and both Democratic party
factions fielded candidates for president. Abraham Lincoln won the pres-
idency with only 39 percent of the popular vote but a majority of the electoral
vote. In fact, Lincoln won few popular votes in any Southern State and was
not on the ballot in most of them. In the Old Dominion, Lincoln polled fewer
than 2,000 votes, and most of which were cast in the Wheeling area.
Political dialogue took up much of the spare time of men all over the
South. In western Virginia the situation was discussed, but few owned slaves
in this region which would furnish much of the manpower for the Virginia
State Line, and many felt the crisis could not be resolved. Few men were
concerned about abolition. Subsistence farming, hunting and sporadic social
gatherings occupied the time of the denizens of Appalachia in 1860. The
hopes for a negotiated settlement ended when Fort Sumter was fired upon
in April 1861. Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers to crush the rebellion,
and Virginia cast its lot with its Southern brethern.
The adult male population of Appalachian Virginia fell into clearly defined
categories generally characterized by their affection for, and sometimes
their antipathy to, either one or both sides of the political situation.
One group immediately rushed to defend their state and their kindred in
other Southern states. Another class had obligations at home, generally
were older than the first class but were in sympathy with the Southern cause.
This second group generally enlisted when the Conscrip- tion Act was passed
and served until circumstances at home became intol- erable or until the
end of the war. A subset of men in this class also chose to serve in units
which they reasonably expected or had been promised would serve near their
home areas. A third group of men were Unionists who preferred to keep the
Union together but cared little one way or the other about abolition. A
fourth class of men were absolutely opposed to fighting in a war which,
in their opinion, did not involve them. These men were known as scouters
because they scouted around the countryside for places to hide from the
Confederate conscription officers. This class of men was often forced into
crime to support themselves while hiding. A fifth class of men were criminals
from before the war. These men simply enlist- ed on one side or the other
to be close enough to steal whatever was at hand. Members of the Virginia
State Line and its successor organizations encompassed all these groups
of men. Such a group of diverse men prob- ably could not agree on the time
of the day, let alone a proper course of military action.
The Virginia State Line resulted in large part from the February 1862
disaster at Fort Donelson, Tennessee. Confederate Brigadier General John
Buchanan Floyd was ordered, with his brigade, from Western Virginia to western
Kentucky in late 1861, and arrived in Bowling Green, Kentucky in early January,
1862. He was then ordered to Tennessee in early February 1862 to aid in
the defense of Nashville, and his command took positions at Fort Donelson,
on the riverine approaches to the Tennessee captial. Floyd assumed overall
control of the Confederate defenses of that installation and was quickly
surrounded by Federals led by General Ulysses S. Grant. Floyd, who had been
Secretary of War under U.S. President James Buchanan, feared for his life
if captured. It was widely thought in the North that Floyd had done much
to aid the South in the looming rebellion while Secretary of War. The primary
charge was that he had moved arms from arsenals in the North to Southern
sites. After assessing the Donelson situation as untenable, a council of
war determined surrender was the only course of action to prevent an unnecessary
effusion of blood.
Floyd succeeded in extricating himself and his Virginia troops. Col-
onel Nathan Bedford Forrest, with his command, fought their way out, winning
laurels for the future general. The rest of the command surren- dered and
spent several months at Camp Chase, Ohio, Camp Douglas, Illinois, or Johnson's
Island, Ohio.
As a direct result of the Donelson disaster, President Davis relieved
Floyd of command. The Confederate press also laid blame for the disaster
at Floyd's feet rather than giving credit to a well earned victory by Grant.
This was in the day when Southerners felt that one rebel could whip 10 Yankees.
The true blame for the disaster is three fold: first, the superior planning
and execution of the Federal plan of attack; second, the popular mind set
of unquestioned compliance with orders; and, third, the misjudg- ment of
the Confederate commanders in the Fort Donelson garrison that prevented
them from withdrawing in time to avoid capture. Floyd was certainly culpable
on the last and perhaps most significant count, but not the first two.
Floyd's removal from command incensed the Virginia Legislature as well
as Floyd's political constituent base in Southwest Virginia. Petitions asking
for Floyd's reinstatement were circulated in Virginia and garnered many
signatures, but the Confederate chief executive chose not to act on them.
One such petitions was circulated in Washington County and it alone amassed
nearly 1000 signatures. Another was prepared on April 18, 1862 in Lynchburg,
and signed by C. L. Mosby, G. W. Latham, Samuel Thurman and 75 others. The
Lynchburgers summarized for President Davis what they saw happening in Southwest
Virginia:
...[A]s your friends and fellow citizens we venture respect- fully to
request that in view of the widespread and growing dissatisfaction of a
large number of our people of Southwest Virginia at the suspension of General
John B. Floyd, and the feeling of alarm and anxiety which even in this
(the Lynchburg) community exists for the safety of the region from which
we get most our important and necessary supplies, you will, if consistent
with your own views of duty and of public interest, at once reinstate and
place General Floyd in command of Western Virginia.
The Virginia Legislature was pressured into authorizing the Virginia
State Line, which it approved on May 15, 1862. The Virginia State Line was
intended to embrace classes of men not liable for service under the Confederate
conscription act of April 6, 1862. The first stated purpose of the State
Line was to recover the western part of the State from Federal control.
Other theoretically cogent reasons were to protect the salt mines in Southwest
Virginia and guard the Virginia Tennessee Railroad. The Lynchburg Republican
carried the following article on May 19, stating the popular view of the
Virginia State Line's mission:
The General Assembly of Virginia has appointed Gen. John
B. Floyd, Major General of the Virginia forces, with authority to raise
a force of 20,000 men; non-conscripts for the defense of western Virginia.
The act is important and it is to be hoped will stir up the spirit of the
west in defense of the mines and railroads which are now so important to
the south to sustenance and defense.
There is no man in Virginia who has a stronger hold on the popular heart
than Gen. Floyd, nor is there a man in the state who can rally around him
such an enthusiastic army from among his own people and section, but it
must be confesssed that the lot of Gen. Floyd is a hard one. He is called
on to raise and organize an army 20,000 men after the whole field has been
picked of its best and most abun- dant material, and he is asked to do this
after having been displaced from the command of a splendid brigade raised
by him at the commencement of the war, and led gallantly through many a
hard fought battle. But he is equal to any emergency and if the thing can
be done, it will be done. Whether done or not, however, he well deserves
this exalt- ed honor conferred by the unanimous vote of the Legislature
in the face of ostracism which the whole country deplores and condems.
The Southern Advocate on July 31, 1862 summarized
the local citizens' interests in the State Line and made some obligatory
predictions of a brilliant, glorious career for this arm of the service.
The Advocate's editor, having mastered the merit of relating to the
readership and feeding upon public fears, continued the article by listing
the counties of Lee, Wise, and Russell by name and enumerating past sacrifices
and future dangers.
Floyd promoted public acceptance of his fledgling military organiza-
tion by playing upon public fear, patriotic zeal and ridicule of Northern
figures in area newspapers. Floyd's years in politics and government in-
trigue served him well during this stage of his life. He knew very well
the value of an ace in the hole and experience had taught him the most oppor-
tune time to play it. Knowing that patriotic orations and name calling would
not complete his muster rolls, he saved his most powerful incentive until
it could be most effective. Under the headline "Address From General
Floyd" the Southern Advocate on September 4, 1862 announced:
General Floyd makes an appeal to all men in southwest Virginia not of
conscript age....
...By it [responding to the Governor's call], the choice is offered
them of 12 months service in the state or of a three years service by the
extension of the conscript act in the army of the Confederate States. In
addition to this, the advantages of a Partisan Ranger service will be extended
to the Virginia State Line and all property taken from the enemy will be
equally distributed among those capturing it.
Hatred and patriotism aside, the two points of shorter service time and
recognition as partisan rangers were to be the primary factors in attracting
men to Floyd. These two inducements became points of contention which would
help bring the State Line to an ignominious end.
Many of Floyd's former military comrades were neither as enthusias- tic
as some members of the public nor as receptive to reinstatement of General
Floyd as were Virginia's lawmakers. Brigadier General Henry Heth wrote Colonel
G. W. C. Lee, President Davis' aide-de-camp, on July 4, 1862. Heth complained:
...A party of bad, bold, and disappointed men are trying in every way
to break down the C.S. army in the section of country which I have just
left. I regret to say that it is my belief that General Floyd is at the
head of this organization. The object appears to be to break down the C.S.
army in Southwestern Virginia, and upon its ruin to build up an army of
their own, or to render it unpopular, and if possible, inefficient. They
urge upon the people that the conscript law never was intended to be carried
into effect; that Con- gress had no idea of compelling all but it was to
be optional, trusting to their patriotism; that the law was especially
passed to affect the Army as it stood, and keep up its or- ganization;
in other words, that the conscript law is a law and no law. A system of
maligning and abusing C.S. offic- ers was inaugurated in Southwestern Virginia
as soon as General Floyd returned to the section of the country, prior
to the passage of the conscript law. To such an extent was it carried on
by General Floyd's agents in General Marshall's command that General M.
informed me he was compelled to represent the case officially to the War
Department. I was subsequently informed by Colonel McCausland that as soon
as his regiment was attached to my command the same system was pursued
among his men, persuading them not to re-enlist under my command. The simplest
official act of a commander in Southwestern Virginia is censured by the
newspapers in the pay of this party, and the utmost done to break down
his influence. If the army which the State of Virginia has authorized General
Floyd to raise is ever organized, I am confident that conscripts and deserters
will form its larger proportion. Although the adjutant- general...has been
very explicit in regard to receiving conscripts, his orders are ignored....
Heth's charge about newspapers was certainly true. Floyd owned the Abingdon
Virginian and was a major investor in Goodson's Southern Advocate.
Prior to the war he bought the Sandy Valley Advocate in Catlettsburg,
Kentucky, which was, according to one Big Sandy Valley historian, the pioneer
advocate of development of the mineral resources of the eastern Kentucky-western
Virginia region. Floyd was no stranger to the potential of the printing
press.
The Virginia State Line was answerable to the Adjutant General of the
Commonwealth and the Governor of the Old Dominion, not Confederate officials.
Many of General Floyd's reports to Governor Letcher were part of the Virginia
state records which were lost when Grant's forces captured Richmond in early
April 1865, two years after Floyd's death. Chapter I Organization
Major James Milton French of the 63rd Virginia Infantry sought and received
permission to try to recruit a new infantry regiment in early 1863. His
recruiting area was the border counties in Western Virginia and Eastern
Kentucky in early 1863. He was to have become the Colonel of the new regiment.
He was successful in raising four companies and portions of three others.
At least three of these companies were raised from members of the disbanded
Virginia State Line and were from Wise County, Virginia. Most of these men
later served with the notorious Lieutenant Colonel Clar- ence J. Prentice,
commander of the 7th Confederate Cavalry Battalion.
It would also seem that Clarence Prentice simply assumed the organization
French had established in March and early April 1863.
A full organizational structure for the battalion has not been deciphered.
Records for both battalions are severely lacking. What is known in presented
below:
Company C Company D Company E Company F Company G Company H Company I
|
French's Battalion |
Prentice's Battalion |
| Company A |
Capt. Wilburn Fulton |
Capt. Robert Bates |
| Company B |
Capt. William A. Powers |
Capt. George D. French |
| Capt. Robert Bates |
Capt. H. B. Roberts |
|
| Capt. George D. French |
Capt. Richard L. Skeen |
|
|
Capt. John P. Chase |
|
|
Capt. William A. Chaney |
|
|
Capt. Algernon Sidney Cook |
|
|
Capt. Richard Hager |
|
|
Capt. M. L. Carter |
|
| |
|
|
H. B. Robert's, John P. Chase's and Company H of the 7th Battalion Confederate
Cavalry were also part of French's Battalion, but which place they had in
the line is unknown.
James Milton French, born in 1835 in what became Bland County, Virginia.
He studied law, and became one of the earliest attorneys in Wise County.
He became well respected in his community by citizens on both sides of the
political fence. At the onset of hostilities Milt French joined the 51st
Virginia Infantry as a lieutenant, but was dropped at that regiment's reorganization.
He became Major of the 63rd Virginia Infantry, commanded by Colonel James
J. McMahon. McMahon, a Washington County Presbyter- ian minister, had enlisted
as volunteer aide de camp to Brigadier General John B. Floyd. McMahon served
with Floyd until the Confederate fiasco at Fort Donelson, Tennessee on February
16, 1862. McMahon escaped with Floyd and returned to Southwest Virginia.
Upon his return he recruited a regiment from Washington, Smyth, Wythe, Carroll,
Montgomery and Gray- son counties. Though uncertain, French may have been
affiliated with Floyd during the early days of the war as well.
One character who aligned his forces with Floyd was one Nathaniel McClure
Menifee. Menifee had some fleeting Kentucky connections, but was raised
in Missouri and lived in California several years before the war. Menifee
claimed to hold a colonel's commission from Kentucky's provisional government.
He and a few men, some of whom joined French, were guilty of several heinous
crimes in Pike County, Kentucky. However, before these crimes were well
publicized, he convinced several Wise County boys into joining his command.
These men were led by Captain John Chase, Sam Newberry and Wilburn Fulton.
These three men became disillusioned with Menifee quickly. They were, however,
stuck in a command they preferred to be in. They pressed charged against
Menifee. The renegade Colonel was court-martialed, but remained free. He
extracted revenge on Sam New- berry. Menifee killed Newberry at the latter's
mother's funeral at Guest's Station in Wise County in the spring of 1863.
Floyd also had his own troubles. He had hoped to propel himself to the
Confederate Senate from Virginia for his State Line service. Allen Caperton
won the position instead and Floyd had no further use for the military organization
created for him. He furloughed his men in late February 1863. The Virginia
General Assembly abolished the Virginia State Line on March 31, 1863. Several
new commands were recruited from the disbanded men. Key among them were
most of the 19th and 21st Virginia Cavalry Regiments. Levi's Battery which
was part of Thomas' North Car- olina Legion of Highlanders and Cherokee
Indians. Several former members of the 4th Virginia State Line flocked to
the banner of James Milton French and his proposed 65th Virginia Infantry
Regiment.
In official records this organization was called "French's Regiment
of Virginia Infantry, under (acting) Colonel James M. French. It was never
fully organized. Lee Wallace wrote of this unit:
Authority was granted by Major General Samuel Jones, commanding the
Department of Western Virginia, to Major James M. French, 63d Regt. to
raise a regiment... Colonel James M. French's __ Regiment VA Infantry in
course of organization was assigned to [Williams' Brigade]... U.S. Prisoner
of War records show that Major French was cap- tured on April 15, 1863,
with several officers and men of French's Bn. Va. Inf. which was recruiting
in Eastern Kentucky. French was soon afterwards exchanged, and returned
to his former position as major of the 63rd Regi- ment. He was [later]
promoted to colonel, evidently having abandoned the idea of a new regiment.
From a comparison of names of the captured members of this battalion reported
captured some of the men previously belonged to Kentucky and Virginia organizations.
Several were members of the Virginia State Line. Prisoner of War records
show that at least seven companies had been formed, of which four have
been identified. The four companies identified were: Company A was under
Captain William Fulton and was a cavalry company. Company B was commanded
by Captain William A. Powers while Company C was led by Captain Robert
Bates. Company D was commanded by Captain George D. French, younger brother
of James Milton French.
The Virginia State Line was officially transferred to the control of
the Confederate States of America on March 31, 1863. The Virginia Legislature
wanted to transfer these men to the Confederate Army as complete units.
General Floyd however, furloughed his men about February 28, 1863 and most
of them just went home. This resulted in a need to re-recruit these men
into the Southern Army. One man, who from all accounts was a very responsible
person, Major James Milton French, attempted to recruit a regular military
regiment. French's regiment was tentatively called the 65th Virginia Infantry
and was composed of the remnants of the 4th and 5th Virginia State Line
in recruited in Wise County. French who was on de- tached recruiting duty
from the 63rd Virginia Infantry, had been a pre-war attorney in Gladeville.
He was well known in Wise County and was able to recruit 300 to 400 men
quickly.
French, in a desire to complete his regimental compliment of about 1,000
men, moved into Pike County, Kentucky in early April 1863. French felt he
could complete his organization in eastern Kentucky. This was a fateful
mistake on his part. On April 15, a Federal patrol dispersed his command
and captured several of his men.
Colonel George W. Gallup informed U.S. Army General Ambrose Burnside
on April 19, 1863:
Having definite information of a rebel camp, under command of a Major
[James M.] French, having been established at Piketon, in Pike County,
Kentucky, 80 miles distant from this post headquarters [Louisa, Kentucky],
at the request of Col. John Dils, Thirty-ninth Kentucky Regiment, I sent
him, with a detachment of 200 men of the Thirty-ninth Kentucky Regiment,
selected, good, mounted riflemen, with orders to rout them. He left on
a morning of April 13, instant, and came upon the enemy on the morning
of the 15th in- stant.
Colonel Dils attacked them at daylight on the 15th instant, and brisk
skirmishing ensued for about an hour, when the enemy was compelled to surrender
the town. We captured Major French, 1 surgeon, 1 mustering officer, 5 captains,
9 lieutenants, 70 men, 30 horses and saddles, about 40 guns, and all their
stores, and... destroyed their camp. I also sent out a detachment of the
Fourteenth Regiment Kentucky Volunteer Infantry (1 corporal and 13 men)
to watch the movements of General Marshall toward Breathitt County. They
followed the enemy, under General Marshall, closely to Breathitt County,
75 miles, and came upon a party of Captain [J. H.] Bradshaw's Company,
and captured 12 men, and, on their way back, one piece of artillery, the
only one Marshall brought into Kentucky with him, and returned to this
post without the loss of a man killed or wounded.
These men were hurriedly shipped off to a Federal prison camp-- Camp
Chase, Ohio. It was during their brief stay at Camp Chase that the Wise
County boys met Major Clarence J. Prentice of Louisville, Ken- tucky.
Major French was respected by a Pike County resident and Federal Army
officer, Colonel John Dils. Colonel Dils intervened with Federal prison
officials for the captured members of French's command and they were quickly
exchanged. Dils in fact characterized French as the only honest rebel he
ever knew. Knowing French's record with the 63rd Virginia and his postwar
legal and judicial career, he was obviously an honest man and good officer.
Personal respect for French was his drawing card; it took a special man
to attract men who had ridden with the nefarious Menifee and would ride
with the equally notorious Prentice to join him, however briefly.
Ephraim A. Dunbar, recalled in a letter to his nephew R. E. Chase in
1923 the following information.
Coln James Milton French the oldest son of old Uncle George French and
was a young lawyer of some note. [He] had been verry active aiding in the
drilling and training of about the first volenteers from that county (Wise).
I don't know, whether he held any commission or not when he went to the
war.... About the time that Menifee was getting in bad with the war department,
Coln French came back to Wise co and made some speeches against the kind
of war- fare that Menifee had started. He made one speech at Holly Creek
(now Clintwood). [T]]he people was well pleased with his idea of a state
line force that would protect all citizens alike regardless of their political
faith. In the spring of 1863 I think it was French got some companies from
Bland Co. and some from Wise together....[H]e was in camp awhile at Gladesville
also on Indian Creek. Had his idea been carried out it would have been
a good thing for that section... [H]e made the great mistake of mooving
his little command to Pikeville, Ky and trying to make his headquar- ters
there. He soon prooved that he was a better talker than he was a military
strategist. He had not been in camp but a short time until the Federal
forces come up the river surrounded the town captured him and most of his
men. However he formed quite a friendship with old Coln. Dilts of Piketon,
while he was there. I heard of Dilt's saying that Coln. French was all
the honest rebel that ever lived. It was also through the enfluence of
Dilts that he and his men ware exchanged much sooner than they would have
been. When he and his men ware exchanged his men that was from Bland never
came back to the state line service, but joined the eastern army and he
made some record as an officer in the war.
French's Battalion was also referred to in the records of those captured,
as the 65th Virginia Infantry. A few records call the unit the 7th Virginia
Mounted Infantry. The battalion did not disintegrate while French and several
of his men were held in Federal prisons.
Chapter II 1863
Federal cavalrymen who were planning a raid on the salt works at Saltville.
Marshall's district, consisting of Washington, Russell, Buchanan, Wise,
Scott and Lee counties had been transferred to the Department of East Tennessee.
Major General Samuel Jones felt that Floyd's Virginia State Line was the
appropriate bridge between the departments and was a suitable garrison of
the saltworks which were on the line between the departments. On February
1, General Jones, commander of Confederate forces in southwestern Virginia
responded to an unlocated message of January 31 that he would send 1,200
to 1,500 men to Saltville if the expected raid came. Jones, good to his
word, ordered the 9th Georgia Artillery Battalion in Tazewell County to
standby to cooperate with Floyd and obey his orders if necessary.
The Virginia State Line was officially transferred to the control of
the Confederate States of America on March 31, 1863. The Virginia Legislature
wanted to transfer these men to the Confederate army as complete units.
General Floyd, however, furloughed his men about February 28, 1863 and most
of them simply went home. This resulted in a need to re-recruit these men
into the Southern military. Floyd failed to win election as Confederate
senator from Virginia in 1863's elections, and his reason for maintaining
an army in the field ended. General Floyd, who had stomach cancer, was dead
before the year was over.
One man, who from all accounts was a very responsible, honest person,
Major James Milton French, attempted to recruit a regular military regiment.
French's regiment was tentatively called the 65th Virginia Infantry and
was composed of the remnants of the 4th and 5th Virginia State Line recruited
in Wise County. French who was on detached recruiting duty from the 63rd
Virginia Infantry, had been a prewar attorney in Gladeville. He was well
known in Wise County and was able to recruit 400 to 500 men quickly. French
had apparently established a recruiting depot at Camp Pound by February
22, 1863, the first anniversary of the permanent constitution the Confederate
States of America. This date, George Washington's Birthday, was considered
the Confederate indepen- dence day.
Many of the men assigned to the Department were detailed to service in
other areas over the winter. William Marshall Baldwin's Squadron was reassigned
to John Stuart Williams' "non-existent" brigade in the spring.
Special Orders No. 95, Headquarters Department of Western Virginia, dated
April 11, 1863, reads, "Brigadier General John S. Williams is relieved
temporarily from command of the Second Brigade, and will proceed to Saltville,
and take command of the troops in that vicinity, including W. M. Baldwin's
squadron and Major French's Battalion." John Stuart Williams, who carried
the sobriquet Cerro Gordo, in subsequent correspondence stated that he was
attached to his previous brigade.
Written reports indicate that French had raised between 300 and 400 men
who had been recruited for his battalion. However, only 112 have been identified,
most of whom were Wise County residents. They are shown in the Confederate
Veterans Appendix of this work. The only engagement this battalion fought
was at Piketon, Kentucky on April 15, 1863.
Although it is unclear how many companies had completed their organization,
Federal prisoner of war records indicate at least seven companies had begun
their organization. Additionally, French had selected some staff officers.
The primary officer of interest to Wise County was Tandy Branham, the assistant
quartermaster of the battalion.
Colonel French, in a desire to complete his regimental compliment of
about 1,000 men, moved into Pike County, Kentucky in early April 1863. This
was a fateful mistake on his part. On April 15, a Federal patrol dispersed
French's command and captured several of his men.
On April 19, Colonel George W. Gallup informed General Ambrose E. Burnside:
Having definite information of a rebel camp, under command of a Major
[James M.] French, having been established at Piketon, in Pike County,
Kentucky, 80 miles distant from this post headquarters [Louisa, Kentucky],
at the request of Col. John Dils, Thirty-ninth Kentucky Regiment, I sent
him, with a detachment of 200 men of the Thirty-ninth Kentucky Regiment,
selected, good, mounted riflemen, with orders to rout them. He left on
a morning of April 13, instant, and came upon the enemy on the morning
of the 15th in- stant.
Colonel Dils attacked them at daylight on the 15th instant, and brisk
skirmishing ensued for about an hour, when the enemy was compelled to surrender
the town. We captured Major French, 1 surgeon, 1 mustering officer, 5 captains,
9 lieutenants, 70 men, 30 horses and saddles, about 40 guns, and all their
stores, and... destroyed their camp. I also sent out a detachment of the
[14th] Regiment Kentucky... (1 corporal and 13 men) to watch the move-
ments of General Marshall toward Breathitt County. They followed the enemy,
under General Marshall, closely to Breathitt County, 75 miles, and came
upon a party of Captain [J. H.] Bradshaw's Company, and captured 12 men,
and, on their way back, one piece of artillery, the only one Marshall brought
into Kentucky with him, and returned to this post without the loss of a
man killed or wound- ed.
These men were hurriedly shipped off to a Federal prison camp-- Camp
Chase, Ohio. It was during their brief stay at Camp Chase that the Wise
boys met Major Clarence J. Prentice of Louisville, Kentucky. Solomon Mullins'
daughter recorded what happened next, and wrote of her father:
...[He] was captured at Pikeville, Ky. April 14, 1863 taken from Pikeville
to Louisa then down Sandy River to Cincin- nati, O. [and to Camp Chase]
and then was taken to Pittsburg, Penn then Baltimore, Md. from Baltimore
to the mouth of the James river, Va. stayed there three months from there
to Richmond, Va. exchanged at City point, Va. then returned back home by
the way of Abingdon, Va. Volunteered under Colonel MennyFee Company A of
the fifty-first ridgement until General Hodge commanded at the close of
the war...
Major French was respected by a Pike County resident and Federal army
officer, Colonel John Dils. Colonel Dils intervened with Federal prison
officials for the captured members of French's command and they were quickly
exchanged. Dils in fact characterized French as the only honest rebel he
ever knew. Knowing French's record with the 63rd Virginia and his postwar
legal and judicial career, he was obviously an honest man and good officer.
Personal respect for French was his drawing card; it took a special man
to attract men who had ridden with the nefarious Menifee and would ride
with the equally notorious Prentice to join him, however briefly.
May and June were relatively months quite on the Kentucky-Virginia border.
July 1863 dawned with dual disasters for the Confederacy. General Robert
E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia was forced out of Pennsylvania at Gettysburg.
While Lee had his hands full in Pennsylvania, Major General John Pemberton's
garrison at Vicksburg surrendered on July 4. The Confederates had lost the
Mississippi River to Union forces. These events overshadowed any events
in Appalachia. Indeed, there were events in Appalachia that are within the
scope of this work, yet a third Federal victory.
Second Gladeville Raid
The first sign of serious problems for the Confederates along the Cumberland
in 1863 came from Colonel Ben Caudill on June 27. Caudill reported 2,200
Federal cavalry were advancing on his position for a raid on the saltworks.
Caudill was the only force between Pound Gap and Saltville, although Preston
was at Estilville and close enough to help if required. Sam Jones ordered
the 51st Virginia to Glade Spring to be prepared to assist if required.
They arrived on June 28. By July 1, however, Preston discount- ed the rumored
raid on Saltville, and the area breathed easier once again.
In cooperation with Major General Ambrose Burnside's planned major thrust
into the heart of the Confederate States, Brigadier General Julius White
led a brigade from Beaver Creek, Floyd County, Kentucky to Gladeville, Virginia
in early July 1863. White's force skirmished twice during the expedition,
first at Pond Creek in Pike County on July 6 and again at Gladeville on
July 7. General Sam Jones heard, from Colonel Giltner, of the Gladeville
fight by July 8, when he ordered Williams to be on guard and cooperate with
William Preston.
White's detailed after-action report, prepared on July 11, 1863, reads:
On the 3rd instant, I marched from this station with six companies of
the Sixty-fifth Illinois Infantry (two mounted), Second Battalion Tenth
Kentucky Cavalry, one squadron Ohio volunteer cavalry, one company Fourteenth
Kentucky Infantry (mounted), and two mountain howitzers, under command
of Lieutenant Wheeler, of Company M, Second Illinois Light Artillery. At
Pikeville, 20 miles south of this, I was joined by a part of the Thirty-ninth
Kentucky Infantry (mounted), in all about 950 men. Form Pikeville I proceeded
up the Louisa Fork of Sandy River with about half the entire force, directing
that the Second Battalion Tenth Kentucky Cavalry and the Ohio squadron
proceeded by a rapid march through... Pound...Gap to Gladesville, W. Va.,
and demon- strate upon or attack the force of the enemy at that place,
under Colonel Caudill [a resident of Letcher County and commander of the
10th Kentucky Mounted Rifles, later renamed the 13th Kentucky Cavalry];
thence to the railroad at or near Bristol, and destroy so much of it as
practicable, unless it should appear too hazardous an undertaking.
Julius White's command reached Gladeville, after some skirmishing on
the way, during the night of July 6, 1863. P. M. Redding a member of McLaughlin's
Squadron, Ohio Cavalry noted the command "awaited day- light"
a "few miles north of town." At this point the Federals' chaplain
"spoke and offered prayer." Redding noted that at dawn the Yankees
charged into the village. White then noted they "completely surprising
and carrying the place by storm, beating in the doors and windows, from
which the enemy were firing with axes, and compelling his surrender after
fifteen minutes of close and desperate fighting, during which the loss of
the enemy was 20 killed and 30 wounded [not true]...."
Devil John Wright added some detail from the Confederate view- point
in a 1930 interview with James Taylor Adams, which was published in the
Roanoke Times in 1950. He related that he was captured at Gladeville
and confirmed they were surprised. Wright noted, "There were 15 of
us in one tent; and before we knew it, they had us surrounded, and we had
to surrender."
White claimed his command captured 18 officers, including Colonel Caudill
and 99 enlisted men, 17 of whom were members of Company A, 7th Battalion
Confederate Cavalry. The Southerners camp equipage, stores, arms, and ammunition
of the command were destroyed. Major Brown, Tenth Kentucky Cavalry, commanding
a detachment, safely returned to camp to Pikeville, with the prisoners.
White claimed, "the presence of superior forces of the enemy preventing
father progress toward the railroad."
White continued:
Twelve hours before Major Brown marched from Pikeville, I moved the
remainder of Colonel Cameron's command up the Louisa Fork of the Sandy
River, for... attacking a regiment of the enemy under Colonel [A. J.] May,
said to be posted near the State line, and for... diverting the attention
of the enemy from the movement of Major Brown, by a demonstration in the
direction of the Salt-Works. After marking to a point near the State line,
and find that the enemy had retreated to a point some 60 miles distant,
and within supporting distance of a force greatly superior to my own, the
roads being wholly impracticable for field transpor- tation, and the country
wholly bare of subsistence for men or animals, I detached Colonel Cameron,
with the remaining mounted force, to attempt to capture a body of the enemy
on the Tug Fork, some 25 miles distant, and returned to Pikeville with
the infantry and howitzers, from which point I could support the movement
on either flank (Colonel Cameron's or Major Brown's should it become necessary,
with facility.)
...Cameron was attacked by the enemy on Pond Creek, and was engaged
at intervals for several hours, his men consisting of detachments from
the Thirty-ninth Kentucky Mounted Infantry, under Lieutenant Colonel Mims,
and from the Sixty-fifth Illinois Infantry, under Captain Kennedy, boldly
charging up the precipitous mountain sides with the greatest gallantry.
The enemy was completely routed, leaving 5 dead on the field, with many
more wounded, and 20 prisoners, who fell into our hands. Colonel Cameron's
command sustained no loss.
C. Connie Bolling recalled some family legends in a January 19, 1984
article in the Coalfield Progress. The events related appear to have
happened about the same time as the raid on Gladeville. She recorded that
her grandfather Jessee Bolling and 29 others were captured at Gladeville.
Records indicate Jessee Bolling was captured at Gladeville on July 7, 1863.
Her narrative continued be relating word was soon received in Flat Gap section
of Wise County, near Pound, and that Delano Bolling "quickly gathered
a group of men from the Pound and Flat Gap area." Scouts were dispatched
and determined the likely movement of the Federals.
At that point, Delano Bolling prepared an ambush with the dozen men armed
with flintlocks he had been able to collect. Soon the mounted Yankees and
their walking prisoners came into view, with the prisoners in front bound
with a rope. Near dark on July 7 the Federals supposedly set up camp on
Indian Creek near its confluence with the Pound River. No opportunity arose
to free the prisoners during the night and then the scout moved about three
miles closer to the Kentucky line to Horse Gap where Bolling and the rest
were waiting. Bolling's men did not sleep during the night, but fortified
themselves with "a good snort of white whiskey."
When the Federals resumed the march on July 8, Delano Bolling supposedly
ordered his men to fire when they heard him fire, which was done. Tradition
says two Yankees and two mules were killed and several were wounded. Bolling's
14 man force was then fired on by the Yankees and wounded four of the party.
Bolling wisely retreated where the wounds were treated and the men fortified
themselves with another snort of "white lightening." The bushwhackers
crawled back to where they could see the Yankees again, but were unable
to do more because the Federals were now using the prisoners as a human
shield.
General White also wrote in summation, "...our entire loss in these
operations was but 9 wounded, none severely, there being 6 of the Tenth
Kentucky and 3 of the First Ohio Squadron, none of whose names have been
reported to me. Mr. P. M. Redding of McLaughlin's Squadron recalled some
years later: "We counted eleven of our men slightly wounded, but none
was killed. Of the other side's loss I do not know."
Redding noted in his memoirs:
We were told that on the night before there had been a ball in the village
and the officers had all attended, staying all night in the homes of the
people where our boys found them and rounded them up. This accounted for
our taking so many officers....
On the trip back we took our prisoners. Just through Pound Gap on the
Kentucky side we pitched camp and intended to stay there for the night.
We built a pen about ten feet high to keep the Confederates in. Guards
were planted around it to keep the prisoners from escap- ing.
After the pen was finished, I settled down in an old log cabin which
sheep had used and was no more than a- sleep when the bugle sounded and
the command to fall in was given. I learned that a report had come that
a regiment of Confederate cavalry was on the way from Saltville to try
to overtake us.
We placed the prisoners on horses and we walked by their sides to prevent
their getting away. This way we marched all night. Next day when we could
keep our eyes on them we took the saddles and made them walk. Eventu- ally
we got our prisoners to Camp Chase near Columbus, Ohio.
Devil John Wright slightly contradicted Redding's account when he noted:
"They lined us up between their soldiers and started marching us towards
Kentucky. Down Indian Creek the laurel grew thick right up to the edges
of the road. I watched my chance and stepped out of line into the laurel,
and I doubt if they ever missed me. That was one of the two times I escaped
the Yankees...."
Colonel Ben Caudill and some of the prisoners were exchanged before the
war was over, but others languished in Camp Douglas Prison until the war
ended. D. J. Dotson, Caudill's brother-in-law died at Camp Douglas. Dotson
was just recovering from typhoid fever when ordered to stand out to ascertain
facts about an escape, and thus probably caused typhoid pneumonia and ultimately
his death. Caudill's capture scared the Confederate command in southwest
Virginia. They immediately ordered reinforcements to Saltville, the most
important town in the region. Life, however returned to normal in far western
Virginia in those abnormal days.
By July 11, the 1,500 Federals had withdrawn back to Pound Gap. William
Preston, in the meantime, had withdrawn closer to Knoxville and suggested
that far southwest Virginia should be removed from the Department of East
Tennessee and reassigned to Major General Samuel Jones' command. Preston
noted, "I feel assured that it would be more rapid, simple and efficient
than to defend the district and transact the business through Chattanooga."
The Union Army organization for eastern Kentucky on July 31, 1863 shows
the area across the Cumberland Mountain consisted of four regi- ments, one
cavalry squadron and two artillery batteries. The brigade was designated
the First Brigade, Fourth Division, Twenty-Third Army Corps. The exact composition
of the brigade commanded by Colonel Daniel Came- ron was:
- 65th Illinois, Lieutenant Colonel William S. Stewart
- 14th Kentucky, Colonel George W. Gallup
- 10th Kentucky Cavalry, Major John M. Brown
- 39th Kentucky Mounted Infantry, Colonel John Dils, Jr.
- McLaughlin's Squadron Ohio Cavalry, Major Richard Rice
- 2nd Illinois Light Artillery, Company M, Captain John C. Phillips
- Battery (Infantry Detail), Captain Drew J. Burchett.
The summer of 1863 remained fraught with difficulties for the Confederates
in Appalachia. On July 24, General Buckner restructured his command, however,
Preston's men were not moved and remained in Southwest Virginia's six western
most counties. On August 1, Preston withdrew to the south, and left most
of his men in the area. Preston was promoted to command a division.
On or about August 1, 1863, the Cooks and Thompson were badly defeated
by a mixed force of Home Guards and regulars led by Captain Harrison Litteral
of Carter County. The rebels were surprised in their camp on the John Bumgardner
farm on Laurel Creek in present day Elliott County. Bumgardner was killed
during the attack and his son Robert gravely wounded.
Meanwhile, back in Wise County, Alf Killen organized his Union Home Guard
Company, officially part of the 39th Kentucky Mounted Infan- try, United
States Army. Killen was a neighbor of many members of the 7th Battalion
Confederate Cavalry and had served with many of them in the Virginia State
Line the previous fall. Andrew Jackson Yates, one of the principal members
of this unit, enlisted on August 27, 1863, but this was a formal muster
in date, and does not consider recruiting time. It is relatively safe to
assume that Killen had been recruiting at least a few days, perhaps a few
weeks before this date. Several other members of this unit claimed in the
1890 Union Veterans Census that they entered service in 1862. This is not
confirmed by the service records of the 39th Kentucky. It is however, possible,
that some men may have considered their Unionist bushwhacking activities
actually began with Sammy Salyers' attack in the summer of 1862. Most of
the members of Killen's company served until the 39th Kentucky mustered
out of service on September 15, 1865. At any rate, Killen's band was fully
functional by the summer of 1863.
Other Unionist recruits were found in Buchanan County. John White was
one such individual. He gave as his reason for switching sides, the numerous
depredations the Confederates committed in the area. Specifical- ly he attributed
the theft of a milk cow and calves from a widow as the motivation to join
the Union Army. The woman pled with the Confederates to leave her sustinance
alone, but to no avail. This attitude was pervasive in the mountains, and
had not abated since Marshall advocated a policy of impressment in early
1862.
Despite the pangs of conscience expressed by John White, Killen and others
of his ilk seem to have no such scruples.
Although a firm date has not been established, Tandy Branham seems to
have been the first victim of Alf Killen's Home Guards. Sometime in the
summer of 1863, Killen and his associate, Joel Long, stole one of Branham's
horses, from a farm hand named Spence. Horses were valuable commodities
and Branham was not willing to let the horse go without making a good effort
to recover it. Some of Killen's band was aware of Branham's pursuit. The
Home Guards soon took positions in the bushes along side the road and waited
for Branham to pass by. They did not have to wait long, Branham soon came
to the spot and instead of passing by, he passed over Jordan, as the folks
of the area would have said. Killen's home guards shot him down.
About the same time, Killen's Home Guards captured Adam G. Roberson simply
for being a rebel sympathizer. Adam's brother, Matthew, was a Unionist,
and interceded with Killen and procured his release. The matter, however,
was not that simple. Matthew Roberson threatened to have Killen shot.
On of Menifee's men, Flounory Keel, was recipient of an unknown Unionist's
bullet at an unknown time during the mid-war period. His sister, Patsy Keel
Boggs, related years later:
One day when Pa [W. K. Keel] was on furlough while we were eating dinner
Brother Flournoy said he heard a hoot- owl up on the hillside in the woods.
When he finished eating, Pa went out on the porch. He heard the hoot-owl
calls again and someone fired a shot from the woods. The shot hit Flournoy.
It shot a finger clean off. Hare Harrison Bowman came out of the woods
and shot Pa in the right side. The bullet lodged near his backbone.
Mother had run to Flournoy and tried to stop the bleeding from his finger.
When Pa was shot she left Flournoy and ran to Pa. Hare Bowman ran up and
started to shoot Pa again. But mother covered Pa's head with her apron
and told Hare that he had shot her brother, Clark Phillips. Uncle Clark
was in the house when the first shot was fired. He left back the back door.
Hare left without doing further damage. Pa carried that bullet in his back
the rest of his life.
During July and August 1863, Prentice completed the organization of the
7th Battalion Confederate Cavalry, but several of his recruits had been
captured with Ben Caudill at Gladeville in early July. He had chosen as
his second in command Major William Guerrant. Guerrant went to Abingdon
on August 30 from the battalion's primary camp near Castlewoods on the Clinch
River. William Guerrant soon discovered his conscience would not allow him
to remain with Prentice.
After Prentice recruited his battalion from the remnants of the Virginia
State Line and French's Battalion Virginia Infantry, he voiced his intention
to remain in Wise County. Brigadier General John Stuart Williams wrote to
Major General Sam Jones on August 30, 1863:
The troops mentioned in his letter [Colonel Henry L. Gilt- ner's] as
having been ordered from the vicinity of Pound Gap to Castle Wood, are
raw and inefficient, and he (Colonel Giltner) is very doubtful... whether
any consider- able portion of them will leave their present locality. The
men, of which Major Prentice assumed command, have been held together only
by a promise that they should remain in Wise County.
On August 25, 1863 Colonel Giltner of the 4th Kentucky Cavalry informed
General Williams of the distribution of his troops. The 501 strong 4th Kentucky
Cavalry was at Lebanon, Russell County. Prentice's command, meanwhile, was
near Pound Gap and was composed of about 200 men. Prentice was joined at
the Gap by Captain Fields' Kentucky Partisan Ranger Company with 76 men.
Captain Davidson's Lynchburg Artillery was near Abingdon with 91 men. Major
Chenoweth of the 10th Kentucky Mounted Rifles was at Whitesburg, Kentucky
with 133 men. Giltner ordered Chenoweth, Fields and Prentice to fall back.
Chenoweth and Fields complied. Prentice did not.
On September 14 Major General Samuel Jones, commander of the Department
of West Virginia and East Tennessee, ordered Chenoweth and Prentice to send
out scouts. Their mission was to determine if there was any truth in the
rumor that the Federals were advancing on Saltville from Cumberland Gap.
It took some time to get the word to the distant outpost at Pound Gap, but
when word was received Prentice wasted no time calling his men together.
It is likely some of these men gathering into Pound Gap were involved in
the first confrontation of the neighbors from Wise County which occurred
on the Pound River in September 1863.
Years after the events, Press Mullins, son of Isom Mullins, told the
story that Killen "was very taken with" one of his father's horses.
Press described the horse as "a very fine filly." Killen supposedly
tried to buy the horse on several occasions, but Mullins always refused.
Killen, after he had raised his band of bushwhackers decided he would steal
the horse, but the horse ran from him and he could not catch her. An enraged
Killen then drew his pistol and shot the horse, much to Isom Mullins' dismay.
Killen's attempted theft precipitated the fight on Pound River and Holly
Creek.
Mr. Ephraim A. Dunbar recalled several other details that led up to the
shootings on Pound River. Dunbar placed the event "in the latter part
of the summer of 63 or fall of that year." George W. Fleming gave the
date as September 16, 1863, while Isaac Mullins noted it was "fodder
pulling time." Dunbar noted that Captain George D. French and a few
men went down to see his father's family. They were also to round up men
who were absent from his unit without proper authority. Dunbar recalled
that Lieutenant John Fleming was in command of some men who belonged to
John Chase's Company.
Captain French's command was divided. Part remained on the south side
of Pound Gap when Willie Mullins and Jack Taylor were killed by Union Home
Guards under Alf Killen. The other portion of George French's command, under
French and Lieutenant John Fleming, was fired on as "they were crossing
the big ridge" near Pound River about a mile from the mouth of Holly
Creek near where some Flemings lived. Other accounts give the location name
as Bear Pen, land which is now under the Flannagan Dam inbayment. George
Fleming later claimed that the Confederate band consisted of between 30
and 40 soldiers and a few civilians like Marshall Keel. According to composite
accounts, some rebels in the party were Jack Taylor, Frank Taylor, John
Fleming, and Wiley Mullins.
Isaac Mullins recalled that the Unionists heard some rebels were in the
community. Continuing, Mullins said, "they hid behind a tree-lap and
waited for them to come by. They had prepared themselves to shoot into the
crowd as it went by." Mullins added that the bushwhackers fired into
the crowd as they passed by.
George Fleming's account noted:
Suddenly, some shots were fired from the woods, and the rebels saw about
a half-dozen men run, but did not recog- nize any of them. One bullet hit
Marshall in the mouth, going through and breaking his neck. Some... soldiers
took him back to father's were he was buried on the hill in the family
graveyard.
Marshall Keel died where he fell. Jack Taylor, however, wounded the day
before, was still living and was taken to Isom Mullins' home were he later
died. Isom Mullins, who was not a soldier, was feeding his hogs as the Confederates
marched up the road and witnessed the incident.
Dunbar noted Keel was a son-in-law of Jack Fleming, one of the primary
Confederate sympathizers in the area. Andrew Counts said the bushwhackers
intended to kill John Fleming or John McFall, but instead killed Marshall
Keel. Counts claimed he did not know who shot Keel, but thought Isaac Mullins
or his son Harmon did it.
George Fleming claimed, but was unsure about the gunmen, but said Alf
Killen was "at the head of the other crowd - Yankees." Fleming
said that Washington Phipps was also one of the men who did the killing."
Isaac Mullins added a few other names of the Home Guards, listing Alf Killen,
Joel Long, Wash Phipps, Jack Phipps, Wesley Vanover, and another or two
who were scouting around near Wilburn Phipps' place near the mouth of Brush
Creek.
The whole incident was a case of family difficulty and mistaken identity.
Marshall Keel had traded hats that morning with the bushwhack- er's intended
victim. Henry Keel's recollection of events basically agreed with others,
but added:
Cripple Billy (W. J.) Fleming told me that Harmon Mullins, while in
the penitentiary for killing his son, confessed to firing the shot that
killed my uncle. He claimed that this band of bushwhackers was composed
of himself, his father, Isaac Mullins, and others of that neighborhood,
and that it was their sole purpose to kill John J. Fleming, Jr., a nephew
of Isaac Mullins, Sr., and who had roused the ire of some of his relatives.
They killed the wrong man.
Isaac Mullins in 1933 admitted that it was either his father or his uncle
who killed Keel. It is ironic that Marshall Keel was not formally in either
army, although he was joining the Confederate force.
Dunbar concluded by noting, "the Confederate soldiers then left
there as it was unsafe for them to travel..." The woods were "full
of union bushwhackers." George Fleming's account continued, "Some
rebels were camping on Sinking Creek in Russell County, and he was going
there for protection, as times were getting serious in this section."
George Fleming concurred in the opinion that the "soldiers went on
to Russell County" for protection.
In late August 1863 General Ambrose Burnside's force invaded East Tennessee
and forced the Confederates in that area into northern Georgia or southwest
Virginia. By September 1, the Federals appeared in front of Cumberland Gap
and demanded the surrender of the 2,000 man Confeder- ate garrison there
under command of Colonel John Frazer. Several Wise County boys who were
members of the 64th Virginia, as part of Frazer's command were surrendered
on September 9 and were shipped off to Camp Douglas to spent the remainder
of the war. Many of them died while in prison and are buried in Chicago,
Illinois. Federal scouting parties fanned out from their recently secured
positions at Cumberland Gap soon advanced into Southern Wise County and
temporarily occupied positions at Guest's Station.
Despite the assertion that the men went to Russell County, by local residents,
William B. Myers, Adjutant General for Brigadier General William Preston
ordered Fields to occupy Pound Gap and "Lieutenant-Colonel Prentice
will, after he has wiped out the enemy at Guest's Station, [Wise County]
scout the country between that place and Pound Gap." The records do
not indicate any fighting around this period and it is likely the Federals
consolidated their positions around Cumberland Gap and simply withdrew without
any effusion of blood.
On the night of September 26, 1863 the Cooks robbed the Ashland bank.
E. H. Logan, the clerk of Rowan County, was killed by Cook's men near Morehead
on October 26, 1863. Shortly afterwards, Dave Cook, a recent escapee from
the military authorities in Ironton, Ohio, shot down William H. Tyree at
his home near Olive Hill. Tyree was a former Union Army officer.
Federal reports placed the 7th Battalion Confederate Cavalry at Salyersville,
Kentucky on October 11, 1863 when a company of the 14th Kentucky (Federal)
defeated Prentice's command. Due to operational considerations, the eastern
Kentucky theatre was denuded of Federal troops. During October 1863, only
the 14th and part of the 39th Kentucky were reported on this front. Their
effective strength was reported to be 1,232 on November 6.
The Salyersville defeat, far from Confederate support, must have scared
Prentice and his men. By October 25, 1863 they had withdrawn from Kentucky
and moved all the way back to Washington County. Guerrant blasted the notorious
Prentice in his personal diary once again. He wrote:
Such conduct [robbery] is a sin & a shame to our cause. It blasts the
reputation of good men, & brings dishonor upon the innocent. I hope they
will all be arrested & tried in the civil courts, & that the good people
of K'y do not hold us responsible for the depredations of such bandits
as Jno. T. Williams & Clarence Prentice, who has also just returned from
an Eagle swoop down to Hazel Green Ky.
Confederates were in no position to exploit the Federal deficit in eastern
Kentucky. They had their hands full with Federals at Chattanooga and in
upper east Tennessee.
Prentice's personal reputation got worse. On Friday, November 13, 1863,
Guerrant noted in his journal:
Clarence Prentice shot & killed old Tom White of the "Kentucky
Hotel" at Abingdon, Va. -- a few days ago. Cause -- whiskey. Effect
-- Destruction - temporal & eternal.
Although charged with murder, Prentice quickly wiggled out of his legal
troubles. By November 18, 1863 he was back in the action at Abingdon, planning
a raid into Kentucky with Pete Everett of Clay's Battalion Kentucky Mounted
Rifles.
In early November 1863, Sid Cook shot his brother Dave during a quarrel
over a recently captured horse and slave. Left behind to die, Dave was captured
by a Union patrol at the home of James Banner in present day Elliott County
on November 18, 1863. He later died at the Lexington Military Prison awaiting
trial for murder and robbery.
One story, properly considered a folk tale, was related to James Taylor
Adams by Findlay Adams at Big Laurel in Wise County in 1941. This story
concerns Robert Bates, Captain of Company A, 7th Battalion Confed- erate
Cavalry, but is not placed in time. Since this company was organized in
the summer of 1863, late 1863 or 1864 seems to be likely its placement.
Findlay Adams related:
You've heard of John Dick Adams, ol' Uncle Jess Adams boy, Grandpa Spencer's
nephew. He was a dangerous man. When the Civil War broke out he got up
a company an' was a captain. Some sort o' home guards. They raided around.
He owned a fine carbine gun. One time he was at Grandpa's an' told him
if he was to be killed that he wanted him to see that his carbine was buried
with him. He was on the rebel side. [Actually Federal].
One day his company and a company of Yankee home guards got into a fight
somewhere on Kentucky River [in Letcher County, just across the Wise County
line] I think it was. John Dick, he got shot through one arm. After while
he was shot through one leg. He couldn't waalk or use but one arm, but
he kept shootin' his carbine rifle. At last they shot him an' he said,
"Well, well, I'va allus said I'd never surrender, but I'm helplesss
now an' will have to beg for my life." One of the Bates' I think it
was, said, "I'll give you your life!" an' just up an' shot him
through the heart. Then he took his gun.
Well, they say that that fellow never rested after that. He would holler
out all times of the night--"Take John Dick Adams away from here.
He's come to kill me." He even got so he would see John Dick in his
cup o' coffe when he set down to the table to eat. He heard about the request
that John Dick had made about his gun bein' buried with 'im an' he sent
word to Grandpa to come an' get it. Grandpa went an' got the gun, but hit
had been several months an' he didn't bury the gun with John Dick then,
of course. But him gettin' the gun didn't do any good. That feller just
kept seein' John Dick whereever he went. He didn't live long. Got so he
couldn't eat. Said John Dick Adams was in every bite he tried to swallow.
So he jes' dwindled away. Died in about a year after he killed John Dick.
[Bates survived and became known as the father of Knott County, Kentucky.]
Virginia held its gubernatorial elections in late 1863. Governor Letcher
retained much of his popularity but was unable to succeed himself as chief
executive of the Old Dominion. General William "Extra Billy" Smith
won the election and was inaugurated New Year's Day 1864.
Federal Scouts East of the Cumberland
William Robinett, a member of the 39th Kentucky, was captured while scouting
in Buchanan County, Virginia on August 14, 1863. Allen and Lawson Peterson,
from Yancey County, North Carolina, but members of the 39th Kentucky, deserted
while scouting in Wise County, Virginia on September 17, 1863. Other occasional
scouts east of Cumberland were undertaken by Federal patrols, but far southwest
Virginia remained quiet. One notable exception was adjoining Lee County.
Lee County's problems relieved much of the pressure in Wise and Buchanan
counties.
Some Confederate soldiers were in Buchanan County during these scouts,
but most were disabled, on French leave or legitimate furlough. They were
no match for the scouting parties and generally stayed out of their way.
On one occasion in late 1863 Whitt Day, Joshua and Andrew Cole encountered
some of their neighbors serving in the Federal army--the Whites. The Whites
were back in their old neighborhood, but were not confident enough to venture
to far afield. The Whites knew the Days were about and were at the time
their enemies. The White captured a hog and were cooking it at their hiding
place when discovered by Whitt Day. Day "rounded up" Joshua and
Andrew Cole, absent from the 34th Battalion Virginia Cavalry. The three
Confederates surprised David and John White and a friend from the Union
Army they had brought with them. The Day- Cole team started shooting at
Whites who could not respond in kind due to wet powder. The Whites ran,
and the Day-Cole team enjoyed the meal their home-Yankee cousins had been
preparing.
Eighteen Sixty-Three ended with the Confederacy struggling more than
it had done at the end of 1862, but it was far from out of the war. General
Lee had won a grand victory over the Army of the Potomac at Chancellorsville
in May and led an invasion of the north and ultimate failure at Gettysburg
on July 3. The Wise Yankee Catcher's participated both these fights. Unfortunately
for Southern partisans this expedition failed to shake Lincoln's resolve
to prosecute the war to its conclusion. The Eman- cipation Proclamation
took effect on New Year's Day, and slaves were more inclined to attempt
to escape to Federal lines. Federals forces were also able to cut the Confederacy
in two when Vicksburg fell. Manpower short- ages for the Confederate army
continued to plague Southern generals and conscription agents scoured the
country-side for every able-bodied man. Those not inclinded to fight took
to the hills in increasing numbers. The war in the west continued to go
badly, with the notable exception of Chicka- mauga. Bragg's obsession for
organization allowed Federals to escape the only hope for a death blow to
the Federal cause in the western theatre. His dilatory pursuit later allowed
the Federals to defeat his troops at Missionary Ridge.
Chapter III 1864
The New Year opened on the Cumberland much as it did other places in
the Confederacy. Soldiers remained in ranks on distant fields, and in Southwest
Virginia. Eastern Kentucky had not been reinforced, but neighboring Lee
County had its hands full with a Major Beeres of the 16th Illinois Cavalry
who had occupied Jonesville. Auburn Pridemore had assumed command of the
64th Virginia after Campbell Slemp was relieved of duty by Brigadier General
William Edmundson "Grumble" Jones in November 1863. The 64th had
been badly beaten in an encounter with Federal patrols from Cumberland Gap
in late 1863, and he asked for help to drive the Yankees out of Lee County.
Jones, Pridemore and their com- mands finally surrounded Beeres in Jonesville
and defeated and captured them on January 2, 1864. The northern reaches
of the eastern side of Cumberland mountain remained quiet except for an
occasional bushwhack- ing expedition by one side or the other.
Other serious skirmishing occurred in Lee County during the winter of
1864. Additional fighting in upper east Tennessee relieved strain along
the Wise-Buchanan frontier with Kentucky.
On February 2, 1864, Captain Sid Cook and four of his men were surprised
by a Union scout led by Lieutenant Ed Brown in Morgan County, Kentucky.
The rebels were in the act of lynching John Cantrell when they were captured.
Cook was able to escape on foot after his horse was shot from under him.
On February 5, 1864, Prentice had Jacob Mullins executed for desertion
and joining the Federal Army. The execution was carried out in West Abingdon
"near the colored graveyard." Mullins was described in the Abingdon
Virginian as:
He was an exceedingly ignorant young man, almost a heathen, having never
read the Bible, nor heard it read until after his conviction, and never
heard a sermon in his life. The chaplain of the post and several other
ministers have gave him the benefit of their counsel and consolation, and
he seemed to be penitent. He was greatly affected on the day of his execution,
but exhibited a good deal of firmness and composure after arriving at the
place of execution. He was sitting upon his coffin with his fingers in
his ears when the order to fire was given. He expired almost instantly,
five balls having pierced his breast.
What Prentice was thinking was unclear, but this event seem to have sparked
several members of the Mullins family to join up with Alf Killen's band.
Executions were rare in this quarter of the Confederacy, and that Prentice
ordered it is even more remarkable. There was probably some unknown difficulty
between the two men which led to his joining the Federals.
The Military Situation on the Cumberland in Mid-1864
Apparently Prentice and the 7th Battalion Confederate Cavalry returned
to Wise County for winter quarters and soon began some cross- border scouting.
His information was given enough credence for Lieutenant General James Longstreet
to pass it along to Major General John Cabell Breckinridge on March 23,
1864. Longstreet noted that Prentice was just back from a raid from Kentucky
and learned the Federals were massing troops at Mount Sterling, Kentucky
for a raid into southwest Virginia. Prentice claimed there were from 5,000
to 10,000 troops ready to invade the Old Dominion. It never occurred. The
eastern Kentucky district was reinforced, but not by much. By April 30 the
area became known as the First Brigade First Division, District of Kentucky.
Troops assigned were the 14th and 39th Kentucky Mounted Infantry, the 11th
Michigan Cavalry and Captain Drew J. Burchett's artillery battery.
President Abraham Lincoln issued an amnesty proclamation in early 1864.
This proclamation basically stated that if Confederate soldiers would turn
themselves in and take the oath of allegiance, they would be allowed to
live peacefully in the North until the war was over. Several members of
the 7th Battalion Confederate Cavalry took advantage of this proclamation
and deserted in Wise County in March 1864. While not a major problem for
Prentice's battalion, the records indicate some disaffection with Prentice
at that time. Some of the prisoner of war records indicated the men had
been conscripted and only served briefly with the battalion. Among the Wise
County residents who took advantage of the amnesty proclamation were: Henry
Adkins, Emanuel Church, Emanuel Fleming, John W. Hubbard, James A. Kilgore,
John and Marshall Mullins, William P. Neal, Levi Perry, William Perry, William
Poe, and George W. Porter. Additionally Noah Sykes, a Buchanan County resident
deserted and took the oath.
The 7th Battalion Confederate Cavalry was officially assigned to George
Hodge's Brigade on March 31, 1864. Other units in this brigade were the
6th Battalion Confederate Cavalry under command of Lieutenant Colonel Allen
Lawrence McAfee, the 1st Kentucky Battalion Mounted Rifles under Lieutenant
Colonel Ezekiel F. Clay, the 2nd Kentucky Battalion Mounted Rifles under
Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Johnson and the 27th Battalion Virginia Cavalry
under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Henry A. Edmundson. A man named
Mr. Salyers, a rebel at heart, misinformed Colonel C. J. True of the 40th
Ohio on April 15 that Hodge passed through Pound Gap with 3,000 men, who
were only the advance of a major Confederate advance into Kentucky. Surprisingly
Salyers was believed, and Federals rushed reinforcements into the area.
The 7th Battalion Confederate Cavalry remained close to Pound Gap during
most of the spring of 1864. Prentice's command occasionally scouted into
Kentucky during the period. The battalion was reported in Kentucky on April
29, but Hodge's Brigade was consolidated with Henry L. Giltner's Brigade.
Prentice's command was reported on John's Creek in Pike County, Kentucky
on April 6, 1864. Colonel D. A. Mims was ordered with three companies of
infantry to drive them out. Mims' men were to be joined by Major Auxier
detachment of the 39th Kentucky (Federal) to assist. About this time, other
elements of Hodge's Brigade were on Beaver Creek, Floyd County, Kentucky.
Mims' men met Prentice's command on April 7. The Confederates escaped after
a short skirmish in which a few rebels were wounded. Auxier was unable to
reach Mims in time to assist in the fight. Hodge's command fell back to
Pound Gap and reached that point about April 19. Lieutenant Colonel Thomas
Johnson and Hodge's brigade were at Guest's Station in Wise County as late
as April 21, when he prepared his report on their recent Kentucky raid.
Prentice's command was described as "scattered around generally"
during late April. Prentice's main camp, however, was at Castlewoods on
the western edge of Russell County. On April 28, Prentice and Hodge's Brigade
were ordered to Blountville, Tennessee once again leaving the Cumberland
unprotected from potential Federal incursion.
With Prentice's men in mind, several new orders were issued on May 1.
Soldiers found guilty of straggling were to be punished by con- scription
into infantry service. Theoretically, stealing merited incarceration in
the penitentiary. Guerrant continued:
Prentice's men (7h Conf. Batt'n) have the reputation of stealing everything
they get their hands on: & by associa- tion the others (Jessee's &c)
[6th Battalion Confederate Cavalry] have become somewhat corrupted. All
of Hodge's brigade represented as an armed mob.
On May 3, 1864 Prentice's second in command, Major W. G. Re- pass, was
cashiered from the Confederate Army by General Order No. 46. This was the
second major in the Battalion, the first was William Guerrant, cousin of
Edward O. Guerrant. William Guerrant had resigned in disgust the previous
August. On May 4, Guerrant had some more disparaging remarks for the 7th
Battalion Confederate Cavalry. He wrote:
These new fellows of Hodge's Brigade are about the greenest horns I
ever met with "officially." Prentice's men are same. "I
want some rations." "Where is yr requisi- tion?" "Don't
know." "How many rations do you want?" "Don't know.--Jist
wants to draw." [is] dialogue between one of Prentice's boys & Maj.
Thompson--the elegant Commissary.
Colonel George W. Gallup ordered another raid on Pound Gap on May 9.
He reported that Major Wise of the 11th Michigan Cavalry had moved with
three squadrons to Pound Gap on the morning of the 9th and skirmished with
one of Morgan's scouts. Gallup claimed his men captured 6 horses, the telegraph
operator with instruments, and one private and killed two others.
No confirmation of this report has been found in Confederate reports.
At any rate, Gallup exaggerated becasue there was no telegraph station at
Pound Gap.
In the meantime, on May 1, 1864, the impertinent, outrageous Lieutenant
Colonel Clarence Prentice wrote President Davis, not to recommend himself
for promotion to Brigadier General again, but to propose consolidation of
his 7th Battalion Confederate Cavalry with the 6th Battalion Confederate
Cavalry to form a regiment. Prentice wrote:
I have made a first application to Maj. A. L. McAfee for the consolidation
of the Sixth and Seventh Confederate Cavalry Battalions and have not as
yet been respectfully (notified)... I am the commander of the Seventh,
Maj. McAfee the com- mander of the 6th. We both think that the welfare
of the service would be improved by the consolidation of these battalions
and therefore, most respectfully urge and request that the consolidation
letter be ordered as soon as possi- ble.
I do not ask for promotion on the... but Maj. A. L. McAfee be promoted
Colonel to command the organization formed by the consolidation.
I know the Major well, have been with him in the face of the enemy and
he is the only man my inferior in rank that I have ever met that I was
willing to serve under. He has had experience both through this and the
Mexican War and heartily that your Excellency may see fit to promote him
to the position....
This consolidation was never seriously considered by the Confeder- ate
War Department and, of course, was never brought about. Prentice's reputation
as a rouge had preceded him.
The famed Confederate guerrilla General John Hunt Morgan was in overall
command of the Department of Western Virginia and East Tennessee in May
1864. His heart still lay in his beloved bluegrass of Kentucky. His last
raid into Kentucky occurred in the late spring of 1864. Morgan's command
departed from Abingdon, Washington County, Virginia in May. The operation
met disaster at Cynthiana, Kentucky on June 11-12, 1864. The raid ended
when Morgan limped back to Abingdon, Virginia on June 20.
While at Saltville on May 3, 1864, Morgan ordered his command restructured.
The circular read:
From this date the Brigade Commanded by Col. Giltner shall be known
and styled '1st Brigade Morgan's Division Cavalry'. That commanded by Lt.
Col. R. A. Alston, as the '2d. Brigade Morgan's Division Cavalry.
John Hunt Morgan's Division - Spring 1864
John Hunt Morgan's command was organized into three brigades for the
expedition:
First Brigade - commanded by Colonel Henry Liter Giltner - totaled about
975 men. Subelements were:
4th Kentucky Cavalry Regiment - Colonel Tandy Pryor
10th Kentucky Cavalry Battalion - Colonel Edwin Trimble
1st Battalion Kentucky Mounted Rifles - Major Holliday
2nd Battalion Kentucky Mounted Rifles - Colonel Thomas Johnson
10th Kentucky Mounted Rifles - Major Tom Chenoweth
6th Confederate Cavalry Battalion - Lieutenant Colonel George M. Jes- see
7th Confederate Cavalry Battalion - Lieutenant Colonel Clarence J. Pren-
tice
Second Brigade - commanded by Colonel D. Howard Smith - totaled about
500 men. Subelements were:
1st Battalion Kentucky Cavalry - Colonel Bowles
2nd Battalion Kentucky Cavalry - Colonel Kirkpatrick
3rd Battalion Kentucky Cavalry - Colonel Cassell
Third Brigade - commanded by Colonel Robert Martin - totaled about 900
men. This brigade was dismounted. Subelements were:
1st Battalion - Lieutenant Colonel Robert Alston
2nd Battalion - Major George Diamond.
Edward O. Guerrant, adjutant of Giltner's Cavalry Brigade, wrote on May
3, 1864:
We are all very much pleased with our brigade with the exception of
Prentice's (7h) Battalion, who are represented to us as a band of thieves,
&c.- Therefore, today I made application to have them transferred to
Gen. Wm. E. Jones. We don't want them.
About the time all of the changes were being effected in Morgan's command,
the 64th Virginia was ordered by Brigadier General William E. "Grumble"
Jones to Wise County. Jones ordered Pridemore to "Scout well in the
direction of Pound Gap and the Louisa Fork of Sandy. Report any advance
of the enemy to the troops on your left, to this place and to Saltville."
On May 16, Major Charles E. Smith of the 11th Michigan Cavalry reported
that he had led a scout from Paintsville, Kentucky on Monday, May 9. They
marched through Piketon, Middle Creek and Forks of Beaver Creek, and reached
Pound Gap. The Michigan cavalry crossed over the border when they heard
some Confederates were on Rockhouse Creek in Letcher County. Smith reported
that at 11 a.m. on May 13, his men charged the 45 rebels at Rockhouse Creek
which scattered. The Federals did not identify the detachment they fought,
but it was probably a group of Ben Caudill's men.
The next major Confederate undertaking was with John Hunt Morgan in his
last raid into Kentucky. This left Wise County virtually defenseless. It
is debatable, however, how much protection Prentice's Battalion offered
Wise County's residents. Morgan's raid in any event would result in all
the Federals in the area chasing him, and leaving the civilian population
alone.
Morgan's men left Abingdon, proceeded through Russell and Wise counties
and crossed the Kentucky Frontier at Pound Gap on June 1, 1864. The 6th
Confederate Cavalry Battalion, one unit along for the expedition, had reported
85 men present for duty on May 30. About 12 miles east of Pound Gap, Morgan's
men encountered the Federals' 45th Kentucky Mounted Infantry. The Confederates
brushed aside about 500 Federals like gnats. General Burbridge's report
noted that he had left Lousia, Kentucky with the 39th Kentucky and 11th
Michigan and two-twelve pound mountain howitzers on Friday, May 27. By May
28, Burbridge realized he did not have enough supplies for his raid into
Southwest Virginia. He sent the 39th Kentucky back to Louisa to obtain a
sufficient quantity.
Colonel John Mason Brown was sent to Pound Gap to observe Confederate
movements. Burbridge claimed to have moved up with the rest of his command
to throw Morgan off his guard. He was too late, Morgan had reached Rockhouse
Creek in Letcher County. Burbridge detached part of the 37th and 52nd Kentucky
Infantry to obstruct Pound Gap if Morgan retreated hastily. These detachments
lost three killed, six wounded and one missing during the subsequent engagements.
The whole force sent to engage Morgan along the Cumberland suffered 24 killed,
107 wounded and 191 missing during Morgan's raid.
General Morgan reported the Yankees "burn[ed] all their commissary
and quartermaster's stores." Morgan did not give any casualty figures
for this skirmish. The command proceeded to Mount Sterling, which the Confederates
occupied without opposition on June 8.
Morgan in his July 20, 1864 after-action report wrote:
On the 1st of June my advance was met by a force of the enemy twelve
miles this side [toward Abingdon] of Pound Gap, being the advance of the
Federal forces, who were moving in this direction. We drove them back rapidly
before us, and succeeded in remounted some of the dismounted men upon horses
that were taken upon the gap, which point was gained just at night fall.
I ordered a detachment of men under Captain [Bart] Jenkins to follow the
enemy, who retreated in the direction of Piketon, and moved next morning
upon a by-road that runs parallel with the Piketon and Mount Sterling road,
determining, if possible, to reach Mount Sterling (their principal depot
of supplies in Eastern Kentucky.) before the force under General Burbridge
could move to my front.
The forces under Generals Burbridge and Hobson, who were at Pound Gap
and Mud Creek, finding that the State was invaded, immediately gave up
their intended expedition into Virginia and pursued my command.... Hobson,
when I passed through Pound Gap was in com- mand of one of the divisions
of General Burbridge near Piketon, Ky.
George Dallas Mosgrove wrote, in Kentucky Cavaliers in Dixie,
an overly romantic but eyewitness account of the next two months of activities.
He noted that Morgan's command passed through southwest Virginia and crossed
the Clinch River and through Cumberland mountain passes into the Bluegrass
State. The march was slow, and the first objective was the Unionist town--Mount
Sterling. Federal General Burbridge, in the meantime, "with a strong
force was at that very time en route to Virginia, his objective point being
probably the Saltworks. He was marching on another road, however, nearly
parallel with our route." Morgan's command reached Mount Sterling,
without incident, on June 7, 1864. Confederate intelligence discovered Federals
in the area. Morgan was not agreeable to a delay. However, an attack in
the dark could be disastrous. Morgan attacked at dawn of June 8, easily
brushing aside the limited Federal force he faced. The Wise County boys
in Prentice's Battalion tagged along.
After Morgan was defeated, the 7th Battalion Confederate Cavalry returned
to Gladeville. Prentice and his men remained in the area the rest of the
summer. By June 22, Robert M. Martin's Brigade was back in Southwest Virginia
and the 7th Confederate had been reassigned to it. At that time the main
body of the brigade was located at Liberty Hill in Tazewell County. Two
days later they were ordered to moved immediately to Rich Valley in Washington
County. On June 28, Martin was ordered to take most of his men and rendezvous
with Giltner's men at Bristol.
Morgan's last Kentucky raid had been successful in forestalling a major
assault on the salt-works from Kentucky. The disaster his raid met at Cynthiana,
however, weakened his force and he feared Burbridge's men would attempt
another raid. As a result, Morgan posted his second brigade at Gladeville
during the summer of 1864.
The 10th Kentucky Mounted Rifles was listed in the August 1, 1864 organization
order for troops serving the Department of Western Virginia and East Tennessee.
John Hunt Morgan remained Departmental Command- er. The Virginia element
of the Battalion changed commands, Hodge's old brigade was reduced in size,
with Lieutenant Colonel Martin commanding the remnant of that organization.
This order assigned the 6th Confederate Cavalry Battalion to the first Cavalry
Brigade, under command of Colonel Henry L. Giltner. This table also reported
the strength of Giltner's Brigade as 842 men present, but only 732 were
considered effective. This organization chart showed:
Morgan's Command - August 1, 1864
Infantry
13th Battalion Virginia Reserves - Lieutenant Colonel Robert Smith. (Saltville)
Cavalry Brigade, - Colonel Henry L. Giltner (Near Rogersville, Tennes-
see)
6th Confederate - Captain Warren Montfort (Commander of Company D)
4th Kentucky Cavalry - Captain William D. Ray
10th Kentucky Cavalry - Lieutenant Colonel Edwin Trimble
1st Battalion Kentucky Rifles - Capt. Peter M. Everett
2nd Battalion Kentucky Rifles - Capt. John T. Williams
10th Battalion Kentucky Rifles - Major J. Thomas Chenoweth.
Second Brigade - Lieutenant Colonel Robert M. Martin. (Gladeville, Virgin-
ia)
1st Battalion Kentucky Cavalry - Lieutenant Colonel R. A. Alston
2nd Battalion Kentucky Cavalry - Major Jacob T. Cassell
7th Confederate Cavalry Battalion - Lieutenant Colonel Clarence J. Prentice
Vaughn's Brigade (detachment) (Near Bull's Gap, Tennessee and Abingdon,
Virginia)
16th Georgia Cavalry Battalion
1st Tennessee Cavalry
3rd Tennessee Cavalry
12th Tennessee Cavalry Battalion
16th Tennessee Cavalry Battalion
31st [39th] Tennessee Mounted Infantry
43rd Tennessee Mounted Infantry
59th Tennessee Mounted Infantry
Morgan's division (dismounted)
Osborne's scouts
Vaughan's old brigade
Jones' Brigade (detached) (Near Liberty Hill, Tazewell County, Virgin-
ia)
34th Virginia Battalion, Lieutenant Colonel Vincent A. Witcher
64th Virginia Regiment, Colonel Auburn L. Pridemore
Artillery (Saltville and the Lead Mines)
Burrough's Tennessee battery, Captain William H. Burroughs
Levi's Virginia battery, Captain John W. Barr
McClung's Tennessee battery, Captain Hugh L. W. McClung
9th Georgia Artillery Battalion (detachment), Capt. Andrew M. Wol- ihin.
After Morgan's men returned from Kentucky recriminations were rampant,
and degenerated into the petty bickering Confederate military commanders
in the area were noted for. On August 21, Morgan complained to the War Department
that had not and was not giving him the proper respect. Morgan further stated
that Giltner's complaints were the result of a "personal pique"
with him, rather than based in fact. Giltner's complaint was based on the
theft of $80,000 in gold, silver and bank notes from a bank in Mount Sterling,
Kentucky. D. Howard Smith asked Morgan to investigate at the time, but did
not and had not up until the time of Giltner's complaint, which was dated
August 18, 1864.
In July while at Gladeville, Martin was ordered to send Cassell's Battalion
to Taylorsville in Johnson County, Tennessee. Of course the men of the 2nd
Brigade Morgan's Division thought being sent into Wise County punishment
for whistle-blowing about robberies committed by Morgan's men in Kentucky.
Manpower shortages were taking their toll on the Army of Northern Virginia's
and the Army of Tennessee's ability to defend the infant nation. Conscription
officers scoured the land, impressing any able-bodied man not already in
uniform. To prove their exemption, Governor Smith issued a certificate to
Wise County's justices of the peace. The men exempted by this September
3, 1864 document were: Hiram Riggs, W. Richmond, D. R. Smith, William Collins,
John H. Snodgrass, H. C. Bruce, William H. Short, William McFall, Charles
H. Banner, Andrew Mullins, Robert P. Dickenson, Daniel Hall, George C. Gray
and James Holbrook.
An enigmatic chapter of the Civil War in Wise County was recorded by
C. Connie Bolling in a Coalfield Progress article. This article,
more family tradition, than proper history, may have grains of truth. The
events described are not dated, but probably happened in the summer of 1864.
Bolling wrote:
During the Civil War, renegade bands from Kentucky, pillaged and robbed
the families on the headwaters of the Pound River. These band were in sympathy
with the Union. One such band was led on a rampage by Bill Adams.
A runner from the Cumberland, Ky. side, came yelling at the top of his
lungs, "The robbers are coming, the robbers are coming!" [Shades
of Paul Revere]
When Grandma [Mrs. Jessee Bolling] heard this, she was terribly frightened.
She nervously called all the children together and told them to drive all
the cows and horses across the ridge and very quietly stay with them until
the robbers had passed.
She stayed with the house and hid what she could-- putting the last
bit of meal in a bag, concealing it under her long dress. She sat quietly
in a chair while the renegades searched the house and took what they could
find.
Uncle Delaney [Delano Bolling] heard of the maraud- ing thieves and
with his trusty flintlock he hid on a bluff overlooking the rock which
would across Hale Gap moun- tain, a small mountain which divides the North
and South Fork of the Pound River.
Delaney waited for a couple of hours and, after running out of patience,
he climbed a little higher up the mountain where he could see and hear
a little better.
Lo and behold here came the group "helter skelter," running
up over the mountains.
He fairly fell down the hill to a point about 100 yards above a sharp
bend in the narrow road.
As the group made the turn in the bend of the road, Uncle Delaney aimed
his rifle at the cross of Adam's suspenders and "pop-bang," went
his gun, killing Bill Adams dead. His group buried him there above the
road and quickly sneaked their way back through the woods to Kentucky.
To this day this bend in the road is spoken of as the Bill Adams Bend.
While this story was told as fact, it in reality more closely fits the
notion of a folk legend. The purported announcement of the impending raid
alone is enough to cause this tale to fall in this category. Despite consider-
able effort the authors have been unable to confirm this story with other
sources. Bloody Bill Adams is one of the more obscure characters during
the civil war along the Cumberland mountain.
Burbridge's Raid
The Yankees finally launched their long expected raid on the salt- works
at Saltville in late September 1864. This raid culminated in their defeat
in the Battle of Saltville on October 2, 1864. General Stephen Burbridge
personally led the 5,000 man strong Federal invasion force. By Monday, September
26, 1864, Prentice, at Gladeville was sending alarming messages. Considering
Prentice's reputation, it is amazing he was believed, but he was, and probably
gave enough warning for the Confederates to get their commands together
in time and in place to defeat Burbridge. Prentice claimed 15 Yankee regiments,
including 600 black soldiers and 3200 pack mules ,were on the march for
the Sandy River and eventually Virgin- ia.
Burbridge's command passed through Pound Gap on its way to its Saltville
target. Prentice's 250 or so men were no match for the Yankees and steered
well clear of any possible danger. Little could stand in their way en route
to the saltworks. They pressed on as quickly as possible and did not meet
any resistance until reaching Tazewell County, where Colonel Giltner's Brigade
nipped at the advancing Yankees. They hoped the other Confederates in the
department would be able to accumulate enough men to defend the saltworks.
Burbridge had not planned to raid Saltville alone, and had made elaborate
arrangements for cooperation from Federals in Tennessee under Alvin Gillem.
Gillem's command was defeated and forced back, and was not coming as Burbridge
had hoped. Gillem had no way to directly communicate with the Kentucky column,
but informed his superiors of the reverses his men had met. This led to
the issuance of a recall order. A courier was immediately dispatched, and
he nearly caught up with the Federals when he was intercepted by one of
Prentice's scouts. Burbridge never received the order, and kept up his march.
Burbridge brushed away Giltner's command in Tazewell County and eventually
reached Saltville and directly attacked on October 2, 1864. The Confederates
had been able to rush reinforcements to Saltville in time and Burbridge
was soundly defeated. The Confederates at Saltville under Major General
Breckinridge expected the fighting to be renewed on October 3, but Burbridge
withdrew during the night. Burbridge masked his movements by leaving bonfires
burning and began the painful process of extricating himself from the mountains.
When the Confederates discovered he was gone, the Federals had several hours
head start.
While Burbridge fought at Saltville, other Federal scouts were roaming
the Wise County countryside. Sergeant Major James O. Howard of the 7th Battalion
Confederate Cavalry was captured at Pound Gap on October 2. Howard, a native
of Jefferson County, Kentucky was sent to Camp Chase, Ohio were he was held
until released on February 21, 1865.
While the Confederates from Saltville gave an immediate chase, when they
learned Burbridge was retreating. Colonel Henry Giltner's brig- ade reached
Burbridge's rear guard at Richland in Tazewell County. The Federal rearguard,
the 11th Michigan Cavalry had Spencer repeating rifles easily persuaded
Giltner's men to break off the chase. About this time, John Stuart Williams'
men reached the fighting, but their horses were too jaded to continue the
pursuit effectively. The Confederates retired to Liberty Hill where they
camped.
The only Confederates left between Burbridge and the Kentucky line were
some irregulars. The first of these irregular bands met was the Counts'
battalion in Buchanan County. One of Counts' four companies commanded by
Captain Jasper Colley took the lead. Jasper Sutherland recalled:
About sixty of us went to Levisa River below Grundy, at Rock Lick and
waited for them [Burbridge's Federals] to come back. We lay by the road
one night and cut trees across the road to block the Yankees. We didn't
have any provisions with us, so next morning we strung out in the neighborhood
to get some breakfast. Then Major Zeke, William Grizzle, Mack Owens and
I went to see the block- ade. The Yanks were there in full force. We darted
back into the woods but they saw us and followed and nearly surrounded
us. We went further into the wooded hills and got away. Major Zeke, Bart
Yates, and I went up the river and saw more Yankees. They got after us
again and we had to run and scatter. Lige Rasnake was in my company. It
was awful hot and we had run and scrambled over the rough hills so much
that we were tired out. William Grizzle suggested that we hide for awhile
but I said, "no."
Major Zeke came up just then and said the Yanks had caught Lige Rasnake
and maybe had killed him. We got down closer to the road and hid behind
some big rocks and saw about 4,000 Yanks go by. Some of them were Neg-
roes; a Company or two of them. We fired at them and they fired back at
us. The bullets flew awful thick and glanced off the rocks and made the
dirt fly all around us. Mack Owens was behind a tree but the bullets came
too thick and made it hot for him, making the bark fly off his tree, so
he ran back to us and hid behind the rocks. We heard the Yankee officer
say, "Go up that hollow and surround them."
We saw a big Company coming, so we scattered up the hill and went down
the other side to the bend of the river again. Here we saw them with Lige
Rasnake, a prisoner. Major Zeke and some of us fired on them again, and
they fired back. This drew the attention of the Yan- kees, and Lige jumped
over the river bank and down a slip fifty yards or more to the river. He
jumped in and swam across and got away. The Yankees didn't shoot at him
until he got nearly to the river. None of our men were hurt.
Despite the fact that Giltner, Cosby, Williams and Duke had ended the
chase, Burbridge still had to deal with Prentice's small force in Wise County.
Pound Gap was the only practical route over which to take his artillery
back to Kentucky. In Wise County, Burbridge met Prentice's men in the field
of battle again. Prentice's command, however, was no match for the Federals.
Although details are lacking, it seems Burbridge divided his men and sent
one toward Pound Gap to secure that place and the other to Gladeville.
Burbridge reported that he sent a detachment to Pound Gap and forced
its way through and drove Prentice, "with a superior force [which was
a blatant lie], from his works at Gladesville, capturing several prisoners,"
some small arms and an artillery piece. Burbridge exaggerated other Confederate
losses and probably exaggerated Prentice's as well. A captured dispatch
from Burbridge's command indicates the Federals then burned the Wise County
court-house. The Yankees burned Bill Davis', J. W. Vermillion's and Tom
Bohannon's homes.
Judge James Monroe Roberson recalled several years after the war ended:
While our family lived at the Pound, General Burbridge, of the Union
forces, who fought a battle with the Rebels at Kings Salt Works, Virginia,
passed by our place into Ken- tucky with his army almost stranded from
exhaustion by their long march through mud, rain, and snow. The horses,
wagons and artillery equipment worked the mud up so thin that it ran out
of the road over the banks into the Pound River in many places. Lots of
horses and equipment were abandoned along the road to the top of Cumberland
Moun- tain at Pound Gap.
The destruction of Wise County's court house added to the expense of
Wise's citizens. Most of the county's records were safe, but the county
was broke and could not afford to rebuild the court-house. Much of the tax
revenue, down due to so many men being away in Confederate service, was
being expended to support indigent families in Wise County.
Since the county could not afford immediately to rebuild its hall of
justice, the court found an alternative meeting site. They ordered "that
the Court be held in the barroom of the N. B. Bruce's, on account of the
courthouse having been burned by Federal soldiers." Bruce's barroom
was in the lobby of his Virginia Hotel in Gladeville. Apparently, the bar
was not deemed an proper location for the solomon justices of Wise County.
In February 1865, the justices decided to move court to A. W. Smith's house
"in the west end of town." The town was at that time so small
that the move was only about a tenth of a mile.
Military, logistical and political problems abounded for the Confeder-
acy in the fall of 1864. Southwest Virginia had long been a popular source
of personnel for other regions of Virginia. Much of the manpower of the
Department had been ordered to the Shenandoah Valley in the early summer
and by the fall, there were calls for more. On October 12 General Lee asked
Major General John C. Breckinridge to send George Cosby's and Henry Giltner's
brigades to Lieutenant General Jubal Anderson Early in the Shenandoah Valley.
Lee suggested Breckinridge retain enough force to "protect the country
and manage deserters, &c." but ordered Prentice's Battalion to
Richmond, Virginia. This portion of the order was never implemented, but
Cosby's and Giltner's men marched into the Valley. John Stuart Williams
and his command returned to northern Georgia and the defense of the region
was left with Breckinridge and a few dismounted or disabled cavalrymen,
Basil Duke's Brigade--the small remnant of John Hunt Morgan's Division,
the unreliable brigade of John C. Vaughn, some reservists, and the highly
irregular guerrillas along the Kentucky bor- der.
By late October some of Prentice's men were making news in the area again.
Thefts had long been a problem, but none of Prentice's men's exploits raised
the ire of the citizens of the Cumberland like the theft of their alcohol
supply. E. D. Miller of Lebanon, Virginia wrote on October 25:
I am under the necessity this morning of informing you that the expedition
to Scott County returned last night with bad report. Fulkerson, with six
of Lieutenant Sawyer's guard, went down to Scott; left here on Saturday;
arrived at Os- borne's on Sunday; impressed and took charge of forty-two
gallons of brandy, all they could find; started back some two or three
miles, when they met a party of [17] men in the road, variously armed,
who demanded the immediate surrender of the brandy, arms, &c. They
gave up their arms, seeing they were outnumbered, and, the party being
re-enforced by this time by four others, they thought best to make no resistance.
After they took possession of the brandy they gave the arms back to the
boys, who came on back very much mortified over their defeat. They say
that the most of the party belongs to Prentice's command. The brandy question
has created more confusion and the owners of it make more fuss over it
than if we were to take all their grain. We will have to abandon the business
unless we get some troops in here and clear the county of bushwhackers
and deserters. There is not a man in the county that we have served notices
on for brandy but what has violated the notice....
The battle site, shown on the accompanying map, in present Dickenson
County, was the scene of much activity during the Civil War. The property
was owned by members of the unionist Powers Family and included some cleared
land along the headwaters of Cranesnest River, three cabins and a bucket-wheel
grist mill, known as Powers' Mill. This mill was apparently a small operation,
as it did not produce enough to be recorded on the 1860 Industrial Schedule
for Wise County. As a result of the political inclinations of the family,
Con |